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Race and Hegemony in Asia
Race and hegemony in Asia - Introduction Print
Written by Administrator   
Monday, 29 October 2007
Race and Hegemony in Asia: Reframing Western Imperialism vis-à-vis Race, Whiteness, and Asian-Diasporic Identity.


Project Duration: Three years – March 2008 to March 2010


Programme Team:

Francis Daehoon LEE: Executive Director of ARENA, Lecturer in Peace Studies at SungKongHoe University

Margaret SIT Tsui: MAINS Director & ARENA Fellow, East China Normal University
Melani BUDIANTA: ARENA Fellow, Professor in Department of English, American Studies and Literary Studies Program at the University of Indonesia

and other interested ARENA Fellows

Programme Officer:
Alex jong Lee

Background:

Cultivating mutual understanding and development vis-à-vis “race” in Asia is crucial in an increasingly “globalized,” “multi-cultural” Asia. Arguably the biggest obstacles to such progress, however, are ever-changing oppressions, which continually challenge us in new and diverse ways. Specifically, the economic, military and cultural hegemony of “the West” in Asia remains significant.

In Asia, the West—and specifically “America”—has come to embody all that is good and bad about “Western” influence. To some, America is framed as the enemy imperialist, globalizer, and oppressor. What is less acknowledged, though, is how in popular usage the very term, American, to paraphrase David R. Roediger, often presumes “whiteness” (and maleness)—a line of thinking that blissfully ignores the fact that the “average American” is increasingly Black, Latino, Asian, or non-white.

While the global economic system is a class system, it is also a racial system, according to George Lipsitz. Race is not the only factor governing these things but it is never not a factor, never not in play, says Richard Dyer who says the invisibility of whiteness as a racial position in white (which is to say dominant) discourse is to be at peace with its ubiquity. In fact, for most of the time white people speak about nothing but white people, it’s just that we couch it in terms of “people” in general. At the level of racial representation, in other words, whites are not of a certain race; they’re just the human race. Therefore, when talking about racism in the West, one must also talk about whiteness.

Whiteness is everywhere in global culture though it is very hard to see, to paraphrase Dyer. Therefore, in order to better understand race relations in the West is to understand whiteness’ critical role within it. He explains the notion of whiteness succinctly. According to him, the invisibility of whiteness as a racial position in white (which is to say dominant) discourse is “to be at peace with its ubiquity. In fact for most of the time white people speak about nothing but white people, it’s just that we couch it in terms of ‘people’ in general.  At the level of racial representation, in other words, whites are not of a certain race; they’re just the human race.” Although a biological myth, notions of race and whiteness continue to have very real political and social consequences. Historicizing whiteness is important, in this respect.

Race as it is conceptualized in the West may not be discussed as much in Asia because their histories of racial/ethnic demarcation are distinct. Another reason, however, may be because most “native Asians” in their respective countries enjoy majority racial citizenship status. Talking about race and whiteness are perhaps more prominent within Western academic circles primarily because minority groups (“people of color”) have been forced to re-examine how their own racializations in the U.S. (i.e. “non-white” equaling unequal access to “American” nationality and its privileges) are inextricably tied to their oppressions. Their context is different compared to that of native Asians, though their mutual oppressor is arguably the same.
At the same time, internal battles among different Asian nations and “races” add complexity to simple interpretations of power in Asia as mere manifestations of Western racism, imperialism and hegemony. Asia is a region rife with differences and diverse ethnic and racial groups—as well as its own unique conflicts. Teresa S. Encarnacion and Eduardo C. Tadem support this claim by citing the predominance of ethnicity (or race, though they do not call it that) within the different separatist trends in Asia and how the socio-political and economic domination of minority ethnic groups by the ruling one—whether it’s repression, marginalization, or subordination of Tibetans by Chinese, East Timorese by Indonesians, non-Burmese people by Burmese, Irianese by Javanese, Moros by Hispanised Filipinos, or Malay-Muslims by Thais—has exacerbated such conflicts. Other relevant examples include the case of Okinawans, Japanese Brazilians (dekasegis), and Korean Japanese by native Japanese, Shiites by Sunni Pakistanis, Tamils by Sinhala Sri Lankans, and Taiwan aborigines by a Han-Chinese majority.

But historically, Western colonial, imperial powers have failed to recognize this diversity and contradiction, instead choosing to lump all Asians together as one collective race (before “Oriental” and now “Asian”) to the effect of subjugating them.
 
“Race and Hegemony in Asia: Reframing Race, Racism and Diasporic Identity in Asia” will utilize a comparative, analytical approach in chronicling the shared experiences of “Asian Diaspora members” and native Asians, two distinct but mutually connected communities. In addition, it will discover the implications of putting race at the forefront by historicizing its role in Asia. Finally, it will provide alternative theories for combating racism and similar oppressions by challenging traditional theories that explain power through simple binaries (i.e. the East/the West, white/black, racist/non-racist), instead of recognizing how race, gender, sexuality, class, nationality, and religion are almost always interconnected and rarely mutually exclusive.


Problem Description

Without a broader discussion of Asians outside of Asia and their interconnectedness to native Asians in Asia, current models of understanding power and oppression may remain myopic in their scope. In this light, “race” and notions of race should be incorporated within the discussion of other oppressions affecting native Asians, i.e. nationalism, sexism, class struggle, and globalization.

By not addressing race and whiteness’ role within U.S. hegemony towards native Asians and Asian Diaspora members, aggrieved groups risk consenting to alternative hegemonies without questioning them. Paulo Freire warns how almost always the oppressed, instead of striving for liberation, identify with their oppressors to later become “sub-oppressors.” His words are an apt description of how many native Asians (and even many Asians outside of Asia) remain reluctant to confront their own oppressed status as racialized others in a globalized racial order, as well as their own capacity to oppress other racial minorities (other people of color, particularly towards “darker” South/South East Asians). At the same time, contextualizing and historicizing race within different Asian countries is paramount, particularly since, admittedly, race may not be as relevant in Asia as it is in the West.
Ultimately, this project introduces more questions than answers: How is race relevant to social justice struggles (i.e. feminism and queer struggles, nationalism, class struggles, religious conflicts) in Asia? To what extent can Western notions of race be applied to Asian notions of race? What are the implications of asking such a question, given the great diversity and complexity of individual Western and Asian countries?  Should race be redefined? Is the word race even appropriate in Asia? How are the politics of language relevant to the debate about race and whiteness inside and outside of Asia? Are current conceptions of whiteness applicable to an “Asian context?” How relevant is whiteness in Asia? What is the relationship between members of the Asian Diaspora and native Asians? What are the implications of defining this? Is the current concept of “Diaspora” too problematic? Should it be redefined to include figurative, as well as literal, manifestations (i.e. metaphorically all native Asians are in a “diasporic state”)? What does it mean when members of the Asian Diaspora, particularly Asian Americans, critique racism and whiteness but fail to recognize the widespread racism within their own communities, both in the West and in Asia? What does it mean when certain native Asians do not identify themselves in racial terms, deny members of the Asian Diaspora as authentic Westerners (e.g. Asian Americans who are not considered real Americans) but still reject or extol “America” and “American values?” What does it mean when native Asians profess to be “anti-American” at the same time many conservative “Americans” happen to be “Asian” and “American?” What does it mean when oppressed groups in Latin American, African, and even other Asian countries no longer associate their oppressor as white but now as Asian (Chinese, Japanese, or Korean, Japanese)?

So long as ARENA’s core focus’ is to promote “equity among social class, caste, ethnic groups and gender,” while strengthening the international solidarity movement (particularly among different Asian countries), it is critical to look at issues of race, whiteness, and nationality and how they have played a pivotal role in shaping power relations inside and outside of Asia.

Objectives and Expected Outcomes of this project:

a. To produce alternative knowledge for the academy and broader public in Asia and beyond as an alternative resource for academics, researchers, policy makers, NGOS, activists, and the general public.

b. Expanding the paradigm for understanding social justice struggles in Asia, including against Western imperialism and globalization vis-à-vis the lens of race by going beyond simple binaries, particularly among native Asians; expanding the paradigm for understanding anti-racist struggles in the West by going beyond Western notions of race, particularly among Asian Diaspora members

c. To increase public awareness of these issues by encouraging debate and discussion in the mainstream Asian community (not just activists) on issues about race, whiteness, Diaspora, and imperialism. Gain wider support and solidarity for change from these groups

d. To examine the ways existing structures of hegemony (patriarchy, class struggle, internal racism) within Asian countries acted as suitable vehicles for an already racialized Western/U.S. imperialist system. Analyze in what ways domestic factors, such as Asia’s general “silence” on race and global whiteness, have served actually to foster and repeat such imperialist projects committed by the U.S. and other Asian countries (i.e. China, Japan, and South Korea).

e. Applying an intersectionalist approach to critiquing social justice struggles in Asia by looking at how and to what extent notions of race and whiteness have informed existing oppressions committed against and by native Asians (i.e. nationalism, sexism, heterosexism, class conflict, and religious persecution)

f. To explore why race (at least how it is conceptualized from a Western/U.S. perspective) isn’t at the forefront of progressive rhetoric in Asia and to see if its absence has acted as a vehicle for whiteness-centered imperialism in Asia.

g. To discover the implications of putting race at the forefront by historicizing race and whiteness, while exploring their interconnectedness with gender, class, and nationality in an increasingly multi-ethnic, “multi-cultural,” “globalized” Asia.

h. To look at how progressives must address the issue of “color-blindness” (non-racial consciousness) in Asia and how not addressing it severely limits their understanding of power in an increasingly globalized, multi-racial world. 

i. To analyze the “politics of language” regarding race. Determine whether “race” as it is conceptualized in the West (specifically in the U.S.) is appropriate for experiences in Asia. Also determine if a new or different word is more appropriate. 

j. To investigate how majority and minority identification within nations serves both to help and hinder social movements.

k. To expand the debate on “ethnicity in Asia” (usually limited to specific countries) to a more global conceptualization of race relations. To rethink these issues in a comparative, relational, multidisciplinary fashion in order to rethink power and inequality. 

l. To better understand how existing global racial hierarchies relate to inter-ethnic relations/rivalries between different Asians on both state (China v. South Korea, East Asia v.  South East Asia, etc.) and individual (i.e. East Asian American communities’ animosity toward poorer and “darker” Asian Americans) levels. 

m. To actively address the disjuncture between Asian Diasporic movements and native Asian movements by connecting the experiences and struggles of the former with those of the latter. Also needed is a link between the struggles of other minority groups outside of Asia with those of marginalized groups inside of Asia.

n. To ask how political projects (current and historical) by Asian progressives outside Asia are relevant to those of Asian progressives inside of Asia? In what ways does the disjuncture between the two agendas damage each other, while actually reinforcing existing power structures? (e.g. Asian Americans’ “progressive” political project to “assimilate” into the U.S. as Americans, while actively distancing themselves from any association with “Asians” equals a “new, alternative Orientalism” by “assimilated,” “whitewashed,” “Western” “Asian Americans.”)

o. To redefine and reinvigorate the international solidarity movement by presenting an alternative lens at looking at Western hegemony in Asia and how it relates to similar Western hegemony around the world (i.e. Europe, Latin America, Africa, and Australia).

Specific Objectives:

a. Initiating and nurturing an international/transnational network of “race-conscious, intersectionalist” progressives, particularly between native Asians and Asian Diaspora members

b. Book/Publishing Project: Race, Whiteness, Hegemony, and Oppression in Asia.
             i. Race Inside and Outside of Asia
             ii. Race, the West and Asia
             iii. Race Among Asian Communities Abroad
             iv. The Absence of Race
             v. Race and U.S. Hegemony
             vi. Race and Migrant Labor in Asia
             vii. Race and Feminist Movements in Asia
             viii. Race, War, and the Military in Asia
To see how U.S. hegemony domestically operates similarly with U.S. hegemony abroad. Examine how this has had a trickle-down effect in Asia where nationalist, imperialistic projects by other Asian countries historically have mirrored these trends.

c. Support less formal, creative writing project among Asians and Asians outside of Asia, particularly youth, documenting their experiences and thoughts on race, identity, and minority status.

d. Regional School on Race and Oppressions in Asia
Educate the public via specific workshops, seminars and/or conferences on the issue of race and whiteness in Asia and how they relate to other ARENA-related projects (neo-liberal globalization, inter-ethnic conflicts, militarism, feminism, etc.). Invite scholars, activists, speakers, and laypeople from inside and outside Asia.

a.
i. Objectives  
Develop a unique training program on race, whiteness, and Asian Diaspora 
experiences and their connectedness to Asia. Incorporate training into NGOs (particularly those that  focus on the growing issue of migrants and “racism in Asia”), trade unions, and other related organizations.
ii. Modalities
As an independent training programme, uniquely on “Race in Asia” for ARENA
As a part of the existing course, such as MAINS
Network and connect with other ARENA activist, artists, and scholars in Asia and abroad
iii. Themes of the training
Race in Asia: An Introduction
Race and a Binary World-View
Race, the West, Colonialism in Asia
Diverse Perceptions of Race in Asia
Race and U.S. Hegemony
Race Among Asian Communities
Race and New Solidarity
Race, Whiteness, and  “Multicultural/Colorblind” Politics
b.
i. Internship or Outreach Program
Target university or high school students where they can volunteer and learn at ARENA, while assisting the Programme Director with various project tasks (i.e. informal recruitment on campuses or more formal channels)

e. Documentation
Document (or catalogue existing literature on) the experiences of Asians outside of Asia (i.e. Asians in Europe, Asians in Latin America, Asians in African, Asians in Australian, and Asian Americans) from personal narratives on race in order to present different perspectives on diasporic identity and activism. Disseminate into local languages. [Potential target groups: other NGOs, educational institutes; incorporating it into mainstream curriculum (middle school, high schools, universities) share their experiences and thoughts on race and whiteness as they relate to U.S./Western imperialism in Asia. Incorporate these resources into future projects. Link with progressive digital information network. Expand ARENA’s website or create a new website as an on-line space (“virtual village”) for the international solidarity community to discuss such topics.

f. Cultural Manifestation
i. Work with artist groups on the regional level: ARENA provides the conceptual
and thematic planning for artistic and cultural manifestation of this project’s themes for groups trying to work across borders (e.g. film festivals, documentary training, book fairs, exhibitions).
ii. Develop unique new film festival in Asia specifically focusing on the experiences and struggles of Asians outside of Asia and how they relate to similar struggles inside of Asia (other NGOs that do this, focusing on domestic and international Asian experience, i.e., San Francisco’s Center for Asian American Media hosts the NAATA Asian American Film Festival; Los Angeles’ Visual Communications hosts the Los Angeles Asian Pacific Film Festival (VC Filmfest).

g. Outreach Activities
             i. Contribution to journals and online forums with writing on the topic
             ii. Organize forums in international conferences
             iii. Conduct public talks and lectures
             iv. Invite writers and commentators to ARENA website
v. Contact media outlets to gain exposure to a wider audience in print, television,
the Internet, or other forums.

Expected Outcomes:

a. To build networks with the progressives from the Asian Diaspora (including Asian Americans, Asians in Europe, Asians in Latin America, and Asians in Africa).

b. To create a new relevance for ARENA outside of Asia, particularly in the U.S.

c. To develop a new paradigm for understanding Western imperialism, globalization, and neo-liberalism via race.


Expected participants by group:

ARENA fellows and other ARENA volunteers.


Researchers, activists, students, organizers from NGOs (Asian countries, Latin America, Europe, Africa, Australia, and the U.S.) trade unions, media, and other related groups.